Do Body Positive Images Improve Our Body Perception? The Role of Social Comparison on Body Perception and Moods

Body positive movement was prominently sensationalized by a pop star, Lady Gaga, in 2012 when she declared a “body revolution” by posting raw pictures of her barely clothed body with captions of her prior sufferings from bulimia and anorexia on her private website (Garibaldi, 2012). Her intention was to instigate bravery and catharsis for people to reveal the perceived flaws in their own bodies and acknowledge them as they truly are. Many people claimed that she successfully elevated the public’s attention toward pursuing body positivity, challenging the prevalence of thin, toned body images in the online environment. Since then, more online websites, such as My Body Gallery, and Stop Hating Your Body, have come to the rise of public awareness that confronted the normalization of thin ideal body images in media (Darwin & Miller, 2021). As Sastre (2014) emphasized, enacting body positivity is not simply about the body itself; rather, it is communicating and sharing the “digital image record of its display” (p. 935) that matters to encourage participation.

Body positiv ity has been defined as a comprehensive appreciation and respect for one’s body (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015). Correspondingly, it has also been described as “positive body connection and comfort, embodied agency and passion, and attuned self-care” (Piran, 2016, p. 47). Body positive image posts on media generally encompass a variety of body sizes and appearances that are often marginalized in mainstream depictions (Cohen et al., 2021). Social media platforms have come to play a critical role in advance of the body positivity movement. Given the extremely high reliance on visual images as a means to exchange information, social media serves as an important platform for looking at the media effects of body images (Perloff, 2014).

Several scholars have noted the unique contextual features of social media and examined how thin-ideal images on social media can significantly contribute to negative body and selfperceptions (Andsager, 2014; Perloff, 2014). Drawn from Festinger’s (1954) social comparison theory, social comparison has been an important mechanism for unraveling the negative impact of thin-ideal images on social media (Holland & Tiggemann, 2016; Scully et al., 2023). Social comparison is even more intensified in social media settings where the users constantly rely on the interactive, reciprocal environment. Most prior research focused on how thin and fit body images can cause social comparison and the internationalization of thin ideals among social media users. For instance, Instagram is a heavily visual-focused social media platform where people communicate primarily through uploading, sharing, and discussing images rather than texts. Instagram users often present idealized versions of their lives and appearances, which can distort perceptions of normality and thus exacerbate negative consequences (Fardouly & Holland, 2018; McLean et al., 2015).

This study aimed to better understand the impacts of body positive images on social media by examining the moderating role of social comparison. The specific goals of this study were twofold. First, we sought to examine the direct influence of body positive images on bodyrelevant perceptions and moods in the context of social media. Second, given the central role social comparison may play in the process, we aimed to investigate both the direct and moderating effects of social comparison on the outcome variables (i.e., body satisfaction, body appreciation, and positive and negative moods).

METHOD

RESULTS

Hypothesis 1 predicted that body positive image messages, compared to neutral or thin ideal image messages, lead to (a) higher body appreciation, (b) higher body satisfaction, (c) higher positive mood, and (d) lower negative mood. To test H1, we conducted a series of one-way ANOVA with Bonferroni post-hoc comparisons (See Table 1). The analysis showed that body image type did not have a statistically significant effect on body appreciation, F(2, 125) = 2.015, p = .138, partial η² = .03, body satisfaction, F(2, 125) = 1.89, p = .155, partial η² = .03, and negative mood, F(2, 125) = 2.61, p = .08, partial η² = .04. Body image type had a significant influence on positive mood. Participants who were exposed to thinideal images (M = 3.84, SD = 1.80) reported significantly lower positive mood than those who were exposed to body positive (M = 4.90, SD = 1.69, p < .05) or neutral images (M = 5.03, SD = 1.37, p < .01), F(2, 125) = 7.11, p < .001, partial η² = .10. H1 was partially supported.

Table 1.

The Effects of Body Image Exposure on Body Appreciation, Body Satisfaction, and Moods

Hypothesis 2 predicted that stronger state social comparison is related to (a) lower body appreciation, (b) lower body satisfaction, (c) lower positive mood, and (d) higher negative mood. To test H2, we ran a series of regression analyses. Results showed that stronger state social comparison was significantly associated with lower body appreciation, β = -.45, p < .001, 95% CI [-0.61, -0.29], lower body satisfaction, β = -.37, p < .001, 95% CI [-0.82, -0.32], lower positive mood, β = -.25, p < .01, 95% CI [-0.40, -0.08], and higher negative mood, β = .25, p < .01, 95% CI [0.08, 0.43] (Figure 1). H2 was supported.

Figure 1.

Effects of State Social Comparison on the Four Dependent VariablesNote. Unstandardized coefficients with confidence intervals (in paratheses) are reported.*p < .01, **p < .001.

Hypothesis 3 predicted that state social comparison moderates the influence of exposure to body image type on (a) body appreciation, (b) body satisfaction, (c) positive mood, and (d) negative mood. To test H3, we conducted a series of hierarchical regression analyses. In the first step, each of the four dependent variables was regressed on body image type and state social comparison. In the second step of the analysis, a term computed as the product of body image type and state social comparison was entered to assess the interaction between the two independent variables. Results from the first step of the analyses showed that body image type and state social comparison accounted for 21 percent of the variance in body appreciation, 15 percent of the variance in body satisfaction, 12 percent of the variance in positive mood, and 8 percent of the variance in negative mood. H3 was tested by results from the second step of the regression models, in which we assessed whether state social comparison moderates the association of body image type and outcome variables. We did not observe a significant interaction effect when body appreciation, β = -.05, p = .815, 95% CI [-0.24, 0.19], body satisfaction, β = .12, p = .586, 95% CI [-0.24, 0.43], or negative mood was the dependent variable, β = -.21, p = .363, 95% CI [-0.34, 0.13]. Yet, we found a significant interaction effect of state social comparison when positive mood was the dependent variable, β = .56, p = .012, 95% CI [0.06, 0.47]. H3 was partially supported.

To visualize the relationship between body image type and positive mood for low versus high state social comparison groups, we created two groups for state social comparison using the mean split. As shown in Figure 2, the difference in positive mood after being exposed to neutral, thin ideal, and body-positive images was more pronounced among those in a higher (than lower) state social comparison group. Additionally, the difference in positive mood between people with low and high state social comparison was more pronounced when they were exposed to the thin ideal messages compared to neutral or body positive image messages.

Figure 2.

Relationship Between Body Image Type and Positive Mood by State Social Comparison

DISCUSSION

There have been numerous findings that reported the detrimental effects of thin-ideal media images from psychological perspectives. Women, in particular, have a greater tendency to experience lower body satisfaction and appreciation, and instant negative moods such as anxiety and depression after exposure to fit, thin models in the media (Clayton et al., 2017; Slater et al., 2017). More recently, research on the effects of body positive content on social media has emerged as a countermeasure to the extensive evidence demonstrating the negative impact of thin-ideal media portrayals (Cohen et al., 2021; Cwynar-Horta, 2016; Ladwig et al., 2024). Such shift sheds light on the positive influence of body image media content, emphasizing the potential benefits of diverse representations in promoting a healthier self-perception (Lazuka et al., 2020). However, questions still remain regarding the extent and nature of body positive content’s ability to mitigate the detrimental effects of thin-ideal messages. We posed social comparison as a moderating factor that affects the relationship between exposure to body images and body-relevant perceptions as well as moods.

First, we found a significant relationship between body positive content and positive mood. Although there were some concerns about body positive content in media regarding its nonexisting or backfiring effects on body perceptions in previous studies (e.g., Brathwaite & DeAndrea, 2022; Vendemia et al., 2021), we observed that exposure to body positive images on Instagram would actually bring positive affective responses. Second, we observed significant direct effects of social comparison on all dependent variables examined, whereby higher state social comparison led to one’s lower body satisfaction, body appreciation, and positive mood, but higher negative mood. Findings confirmed that the extent to which a person engages in social comparison would have a strongly detrimental impact on how one perceives one's own body and feels in the social media setting. Finally, we were able to detect a moderating effect of social comparison with different types of body images on moods. Young female adults with higher state social comparison reported significantly lower positive mood when exposed to thin-ideal images than when they were exposed to messages with neutral or body positive images. This confirms the powerful role of state social comparison on social media, canceling the positive affective reactions when one is exposed to a specific situation where social comparison is hard to resist. Interestingly, although those who were more likely to compare themselves to body images were more likely to be negatively affected by the messages than those with low state social comparison, their moods were also more prone to be swayed by the body positive contents, resulting in greater positive moods.

The findings of this study have the following theoretical and practical implications. First, our findings regarding the relationship between body image exposure and positive mood provide opportunities for future studies to comprehend the benefits of body positive media content. Even when body positive images on social media might fail to instantly influence one’s body satisfaction and appreciation, as we have observed, they can effectively improve one’s mood. This implies that investigating the short- and long-term effects of body positive media content on social media could be valuable. Self-reported moods are one of the immediate and measurable effects of body positive images, serving as an effective assessment of a communication phenomenon. Therefore, it is essential to explore the underlying mechanisms through which body positive media content influences individuals’ moods in future research.

Unlike our prediction, exposure to body positive image messages (compared to neutral or thin ideal image messages) did not have a significant influence on other outcome variables, such as body appreciation, body satisfaction, and negative mood. This finding is not uncommon as shown in recent research that tested the influence of body positive images on various outcomes (Brown & Tiggemann, 2020; Tiggemann et al., 2020). Our study focused on social comparison because it is one of the central processes that uniquely influence how individuals perceive and react to body images. Yet, there are numerous factors such as appearance-ideal internalization, body surveillance, sociocultural pressures, self-esteem, and self-compassion, that could impact one’s body appreciation and satisfaction that were not accounted for in our study (Linardon et al., 2022). Future research should aim to identify theoretical mechanisms through which variables other than state social comparison might interact with the effect of body positive images.

Moreover, this study contributes to understanding the boundary conditions of the influence of body positive (vs. thin ideal) media contents by highlighting the role of social comparison as a moderator. Specifically, our findings went beyond observing the direct effects of social comparison on body perceptions and moods. We provided empirical support that social comparison can intensify the relationship between particular body image messages and moods, contributing more room to examine the role of social comparison in a related study domain. In future studies, the amount or frequency of social comparison can be operationalized and measured to suggest a clearer understanding of underlying mechanisms.

The findings of this study provide practical implications for the potential of body positive images in attenuating the negative psychological impact of prevalent thin ideal contents on social media. People are more susceptible to media influence when engaging in a higher degree of social comparison (Jiotsa et al., 2021; Tiggemann & McGill, 2004). Our study generally confirmed this, demonstrating that the detrimental effects of thin ideal images were more pronounced when people engaged in a greater social comparison process. Notably, the current study also showed that a higher degree of state social comparisons can lead individuals to experience a greater improvement in positive mood when exposed to body positive images. Drawing from our findings, we suggest that the act of social comparison is not inherently negative; rather, we would like to underscore the importance of promoting body positive images and content to mitigate the negative psychological consequences associated with pervasive thin ideal representations on social media platforms.

Another interesting finding from a practical standpoint is that positive mood was the highest for those exposed to neither thin-ideal nor body positive images. Although this finding should be interpreted with caution, it suggests a possibility that exposure to any body-related contents might automatically activate one’s body perceptions, possibly diminishing positive moods. Health interventions incorporating body-positive images should be mindful of the potential for body positive images to produce unintended effects, which might counteract their intended positive impact.

This study has several limitations worth noting. Although we found a meaningful relationship between body positive contents and moods, we relied on a couple of affective states for each positive and negative mood. Using additional items to measure moods in future studies could enhance the reliability of the scales. Second, this study only measured participants’ body perceptions, such as body appreciation and satisfaction after exposure to media content, which could have blurred the instant effects of exposure. In a future follow-up study, we plan to add a pre-test before message exposure and compare the outcomes for a more rigorous study design. Third, we wonder whether the nonsignificant findings in our study are partially due to our experimental design of briefly exposing participants to body image messages. For example, Fioravanti et al. (2023) attended to the effects of repeated exposure to body positive contents and observed that daily exposure to body positive images over a period of 28 consecutive days yielded high rates of growth in positive mood and body satisfaction. Moreover, we note that the frequency and amount of time participants spend on Instagram might have a potential influence on the study outcomes. Future research should examine the impact of repeated exposure to body positive messages along with the effects of frequent social media engagement.

In conclusion, our study provided additional empirical evidence that body positive images can bring positive outcomes on women’s body evaluations, compared to thin-ideal model images. We also suggest the powerful role of social comparison in understanding the underlying mechanism of body image messages on social media, which directly affects and strengthens the influence of body image exposure. The findings of the current study can encourage more research to validate the effectiveness of body positive images on social media, together with the role social comparison plays in its users’ healthy body perceptions and moods.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

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