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In recent years, K-pop has emerged as a significant global cultural phenomenon, captivating fans from diverse cultural backgrounds and establishing itself as a major force within the global entertainment industry. This cultural wave has generated an increasing aspiration among fans worldwide to travel to, or even permanently reside in, South Korea. Such desires are fueled by their fascination with the vibrant K-pop scene and Korea’s reputation as an innovative and comfortable living environment. Based on a recent report published by the Korean Ministry of Justice, France ranks 21st among registered foreign nationals in Korea, categorized by country of origin. Notably, France leads all European nations in this ranking (Ministry of Justice, 2023). This surge in French migration to Korea raises questions about the motivations driving this phenomenon and the expectations French nationals hold when relocating to Korea.

The widespread utilization of social media platforms, particularly TikTok and YouTube, has facilitated the dissemination of content depicting life in Korea. However, this content often presents idealized portrayals of the country through systematic comparisons that position Korea as superior to content creators’ home countries. French influencers who have established themselves in Korea contribute to this representation by consistently highlighting Korean advantages in areas such as safety, convenience, and infrastructure while simultaneously critiquing corresponding French systems. This comparative approach—what this study terms “France-bashing kukppong”—creates powerful narratives that shape audience expectations about life in Korea.

Building on established scholarship in the last two decades of Korean Wave studies and recent research on foreign influencers in Korea (Lee & Abidin, 2022), this study examines how French content creators construct comparative narratives between France and Korea, and how their audiences engage with these portrayals. This study employs a dual analytical approach: (a) systematic content analysis of influencer posts to identify narrative patterns, and (b) examination of audience responses to understand reception dynamics. This bidirectional analysis reveals how comparative nationalism emerges through the interaction between content creation and audience engagement.

In this context, influencer authenticity is constructed through specific performative markers: extended physical residence in Korea (beyond typical tourist visits), demonstration of cultural integration through language use and local knowledge, and claims to “insider” access to everyday Korean experiences. These markers grant influencers authority to make comparative cultural claims, but also create tensions between genuine experience sharing and content that generates algorithmic engagement.

This study investigates how French influencers construct and maintain these authentic personas while creating comparative narratives about life in Korea, and how their audiences respond to both idealized and critical portrayals. The research is guided by the following questions:

• (1) How do French influencers on social media construct comparative narratives between France and Korea in their content about daily life in Korea?
• (2) In what ways does France-bashing kukppong function as a form of Korean nation branding through influencer content?
• (3) How do French K-pop fans respond to both idealized and critical portrayals of life in Korea, and what does this reveal about audience expectations for authenticity?

This study contributes to the intersection of influencer studies and Korean Wave research by examining how social media content shapes migration aspirations and cultural perceptions. By focusing on the French context and analyzing both content creation and audience reception, it provides insights into how European audiences engage with Korean culture through digital intermediaries, while revealing the mechanisms through which individual lifestyle content participates in broader patterns of soft power projection and nation branding.

The theoretical framework for this study centers on the concept of France-bashing kukppong as a form of comparative nationalism performed through social media content. Building on Lee and Abidin’s (2022) analysis of foreign influencers contributing to Korean nationalist discourse, this study examines how French content creators inadvertently participate in nation branding by consistently positioning Korea as superior to France across multiple lifestyle domains.

The concept of kukppong, referring to excessive nationalist pride in Korean online discourse, takes on a unique form when practiced by foreign influencers. Rather than direct praise of Korea, French influencers engage in France-bashing kukppong—systematically critiquing French systems, infrastructure, and social conditions while presenting Korean alternatives as superior. This comparative approach serves multiple functions: it validates the influencer’s choice to relocate, provides vicarious satisfaction (daeri manjok) to audiences who consume idealized versions of Korean life (Chae, 2018), and contributes to Korea's soft power projection without direct government involvement.

In this context, authenticity functions as what Banet-Weiser (2012) terms a “branding strategy,” but with specific markers that grant influencers authority to make comparative cultural claims. This approach to authenticity resonates particularly strongly with K-pop fans, who have been primed to value authenticity narratives through their engagement with Korean popular culture—as highlighted by the popularity of BTS’s narrative of authenticity as underdogs (Song, 2019). K-pop fans’ existing appreciation for performed authenticity in their favorite artists translates into similar expectations for content creators who represent themselves as cultural intermediaries.

For French Korea-based influencers, authenticity is constructed through: (1) extended physical presence in Korea beyond typical tourist visits, (2) demonstration of cultural integration through language use and local knowledge, and (3) claims to “insider” access to everyday Korean experiences. This performed authenticity becomes the foundation for their credibility when making comparative statements about French versus Korean lifestyle, particularly among audiences already invested in Korean cultural narratives.

Hund (2023) explores how the influencer industry constructs authenticity as a marketable commodity, revealing tensions between genuine self-expression and strategic self-branding. In the context of Korea-based content creators, these tensions manifest in the balance between sharing authentic experiences and producing content that generates algorithmic engagement. This positioning enables the systematic positive comparison that characterizes France-bashing kukppong while providing rhetorical protection against charges of cultural misrepresentation.

This comparative nationalism operates differently from traditional fan tourism or cultural pilgrimage (Oh, 2018), where audiences travel to consume cultural products at their source. Instead, French influencers serve as cultural intermediaries who bring “insider” Korean experiences to audiences who may never visit Korea themselves. Through digital consumption of daily lifestyle content, audiences experience what Lee (2020) terms “transnational emotional intimacy”—a mediated form of cultural engagement that shapes migration aspirations and cultural perceptions.

Previous studies focusing on authenticity and influencers creating content about foreign countries have primarily examined tourism decision-making rather than permanent relocation (Han & Chen, 2021; Motahar et al., 2021). When examining how influencer content influences audience behavior, research has typically focused on consumption patterns rather than migration decisions (Ki et al., 2022). This study extends this literature by examining how comparative lifestyle narratives shape not only cultural perceptions but also concrete migration aspirations among young French K-pop fans.

The France-bashing kukppong framework allows us to understand how seemingly individual lifestyle content participates in broader patterns of soft power projection and cultural diplomacy, revealing the mechanisms through which social media influencers contribute to nation branding efforts even without explicit coordination or government sponsorship.

This study employed digital ethnographic observation of French influencer content about living in Korea, combined with analysis of audience responses to this content. The research design focused on examining both content creation patterns and audience engagement to understand how France-bashing kukppong operates as a bidirectional communication process between influencers and their followers.

Data collection occurred between January 2022 and September 2023, focusing on content that explicitly addressed daily life experiences in Korea rather than tourist-oriented material. The dataset comprised content from 15 unique French content creators who met specific selection criteria, along with audience responses to this content.

Content Creator Selection Criteria were as follows:

• 1. Self-identification as French through bio information or explicit statements in content
• 2. Primary content creation in French language
• 3. Regular production of content about living in or experiencing Korea (minimum monthly posting frequency)
• 4. Minimum follower count of 1,000 on at least one platform to ensure established audience engagement
• 5. Evidence of extended residence in Korea beyond typical tourist visits (demonstrated through content spanning multiple seasons/ months)
• 6. Use of “living in Korea” or equivalent French terminology in content descriptions or hashtags

Content creators were identified through systematic searches using French-language hashtags (#v ireencoree, #ex patfrance, #françaisencoree) and through snowball sampling from creators’ collaborations and mentions. The January 2022 start date corresponds to Korea’s post-COVID reopening to international travelers, while the September 2023 endpoint ensures sufficient temporal distance for pattern analysis. Cross-platform content was matched by creator usernames and verified through bio information. The analysis included 127 pieces of content distributed across platforms:

• • YouTube videos: 45 pieces (ranging from 5-60 minutes, focusing on lifestyle vlogs and daily routine content)
• • TikTok clips: 38 pieces (15-60 seconds each, emphasizing comparative lifestyle moments)
• • Instagram Reels and posts: 32 pieces (including both short-form video content and image posts with detailed captions)
• • Twitch IRL streaming sessions: 12 sessions (2-4 hours each, featuring real-time audience interaction)

Additionally, 120 audience response posts were collected from Twitter/X, representing direct reactions to the above content or broader discussions about French influencers in Korea. These responses were identified through direct mentions of the 15 selected content creators, French-language discussions about Korean lifestyle content and migration experiences, and reply threads under controversial comparative content posts.

Content was analyzed using qualitative thematic analysis following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-phase framework. All content was viewed/ read multiple times, with initial notes focusing on comparative statements, authenticity claims, and audience engagement patterns. Open coding identified recurring themes across platforms. Initial codes were grouped into broader thematic categories, which were then refined through iterative review. The analysis specifically examined:

• 1. Comparative statements between France and Korea across different lifestyle domains
• 2. Construction and performance of authenticity through specific linguistic and visual markers
• 3. Presentation of daily life experiences as evidence for broader cultural claims
• 4. Audience engagement patterns, including both supportive and critical responses
• 5. Evolution of content themes over time, particularly the emergence of “deception videos”

Final themes were defined around the central concept of France-bashing kukppong, with particular attention to how individual content pieces contributed to broader patterns of comparative nationalism.

In terms of ethical standards, all analyzed content was publicly available from content creators who operate as public figures with substantial followings. These influencers actively seek public engagement and have established themselves as cultural commentators through their content creation practices. Given the public nature of all data sources and the focus on publicly available content from established public figures, an institutional ethics review was not required under standard digital research guidelines. However, the research adhered to ethical principles of digital ethnography by focusing on public discourse rather than private communications and by protecting individual privacy. For audience responses, usernames were pseudonymized when quoting reactions, with the exception of verified public accounts. Direct quotes from social media posts were limited to publicly available content where users engaged in public discourse about cultural topics.

On May 1st, 2023, an account named “koreac. fr” shared a carousel of pictures on Instagram under the title “L’impact des Influenceurs Français sur l’Image de la Corée” (The impact of French Influencers on the Image of Korea). This post coincided with the visit of Léna Situations, one of the most prominent social media influencers in France, boasting 3 million subscribers on YouTube and 5 million on Instagram (as of May 2025). Léna Mahfouf (government name), originally a fashion student, frequently collaborates with renowned fashion brands such as Louis Vuitton, Vogue, and Prada, creating sponsored content. In early May 2023, she was invited by Louis Vuitton to a special Pre-Fall fashion show held on the Jamsu bridge (Jamsugyo, 잠수교) in Seoul.

The Instagram carousel featured eight images showcasing content from prominent French influencers in Korea, including Just Riadh (2.1 million subscribers on YouTube) and Kevin Tran (formerly known as “Le Rire Jaune,” 5.6 million subscribers on YouTube). Each image displayed screenshots of influencer posts featuring Korean street food, modern architecture, and lifestyle content, overlaid with critical text pointing out recurring patterns: systematic emphasis on Korean technological advancement, repeated comparisons favoring Korean convenience culture over French alternatives, and romantic portrayals of Korean urban life without acknowledgment of social challenges. The post author argued that these influencers, often sponsored by brands covering their travel expenses, possessed a limited understanding of Korean society yet wielded significant influence over French perceptions of Korea.

The carousel’s conclusion emphasized French influencers’ responsibility as inadvertent cultural ambassadors, urging them to prevent the dissemination of stereotypes and one-sided representations. This critique directly challenged the authenticity claims that underpin influencer authority—questioning whether brand partnerships and brief visits could provide genuine cultural insight.

The post generated significant backlash. Although the author specifically targeted visiting influencers rather than residents, content creators living in Korea felt compelled to distance themselves from these criticisms. This defensive response illuminates the stakes involved in maintaining authenticity credentials within the competitive landscape of Korea-focused content creation.

Mangozzle, a content creator who previously focused on skincare content while living in Korea but now operates as a lifestyle content creator based in Canada, exemplifies this defensive positioning:

“All of this is interesting, but as far as I am concerned, it is not our job, as content creators, to talk about the society and political issues of the country. Those who are already living there (such as Pape-san)¹ do it perfectly, and I think there is a need to tame down the phrasing about ‘being ambassadors’ and ‘taking their responsibilities’ since we, most of us, are just tourists, or (Korean) culture enthusiasts. We enjoy making people dream and entertaining them; that's how we make money. We do not lie by only emphasizing the good aspects, we are just not more entitled to be a spokesperson that have the duty to talk about the most problematic issues on the entire planet Earth than anyone else.”
Comment left by user Mangozzle under Koreac.fr’s Instagram post, on May 1st, 2023

Mangozzle’s response reveals the central tension in influencer authenticity: the simultaneous claim to cultural authority and disavowal of cultural responsibility. She draws a hierarchical distinction between “just tourists” and those “already living there,” positioning herself within the latter category while rejecting the accountability that such positioning might entail. Her explicit acknowledgment that content creators “make people dream” aligns with Chae’s (2018, p. 247) concept of “vicarious satisfaction” (daeri manjok), where audiences derive pleasure from consuming idealized representations of experiences they cannot directly access.

This tension between entertainment and responsibility becomes particularly significant in the context of France-bashing kukppong. By disclaiming ambassadorial roles while simultaneously making comparative cultural claims, influencers like Mangozzle maintain the authority to shape cultural perceptions while avoiding accountability for the consequences of those representations.

Mariecpalot, another content creator focusing on Asian popular culture, also based in France but familiar with Korea as a Korean Adoptee, further illustrates these dynamics:

“I don’t think it is relevant that influencers talk about Hell Joseon while having a cup of tea in Insadong.² South Korea has wonderful assets; it’s a fact. It's the audience’s duty to educate themselves and keep in mind that every nation has its flaws. I think that if influencers start doing propaganda, it’s going to sound very unwarranted. Let’s just let them appreciate what is appreciable, and for the rest, there are plenty of authors and journalists who discuss those socio-economic, political issues.” “And I would add that if they really want to think about those issues, using the right sources and arguments, they should feel free to do it, but never obligated to do so.”
Comments left by user Mariecpalot under Koreac.fr’s Instagram post, on May 1^st, 2023

In her comment, Mariecpalot highlights the potential perception of being overly critical about a nation as a form of propaganda. By mentioning specific elements such as the phrase “Hell Joseon,” it becomes evident that the content creator is aware of existing issues in contemporary Korean society. Hell Joseon is a satirical term that emerged in Korea around 2015 among younger generations. It embodies ongoing issues of unemployment and poor working conditions due to hierarchy, gender disparity, and significant wage gaps (Nahm, 2018). However, her response inadvertently demonstrates the selective engagement that characterizes France-bashing kukppong: acknowledging Korean social problems while maintaining that influencers should focus only on “appreciable” aspects creates the very imbalance she claims to critique.

Both responses illustrate how content creators navigate the authenticity paradox: they must claim sufficient cultural knowledge to justify their comparative statements while disclaiming enough responsibility to avoid criticism for selective representation. This positioning enables the systematic positive comparison that characterizes France-bashing kukppong while providing rhetorical protection against charges of propaganda or cultural misrepresentation.

The systematic nature of France-bashing kukppong becomes evident through its consistent thematic structure across French influencer content about Korea. This comparative nationalism operates through three primary domains that position Korea as categorically superior to France, creating what audiences recognize as a predictable formula.

On September 27, 2022, Itsablaye, a content creator, posted a TikTok/Reels skit with the description “I swear, we got it: Korea is better! #reels #humour #sketch #pov.” (itsablaye, 2022) This satirical skit explicitly mocked this pattern. In the one-minute parody, Itsablaye impersonates a French influencer conducting a “taste test” of water from South Korea. In the introduction, he says: “Hi everyone! As you know, I am in South Korea, and it’s so nice, lol yeah I know... you’re missing out!” While the caption on the screen states; “No one: French people in South Korea:” Ablaye continues his skit and keeps emphasizing that he is tasting water “from Korea” in a tumbler that is also “from Korea” and that those are not available in France because “France is lame.” He playfully states that Korean water is delicious while jokingly claiming that French water makes you throw up, while repeatedly repeating “Korea Korea Korea Korea.” Through deliberate exaggeration, the skit illustrates how French influencers systematically position Korean alternatives as superior while dismissing French equivalents. This meta-commentary reveals audience awareness of the formulaic nature of comparative content, yet such content continues to generate engagement precisely because it provides predictable validation of Korea’s superiority. Analysis of content from the 15 French influencers reveals three consistent comparative themes that structure France-bashing kukppong.

One might assume that exposure to these idealized images of Korea would suffice to motivate young French individuals to embark on the significant journey to South Korea, with one common option being the Working Holiday program, which allows for a year-long stay while engaging in various part-time jobs. However, my observations revealed a deeper inclination among the French audience—one that yearned for more than just aesthetically pleasing depictions of Korea. They sought authenticity and a genuine understanding of what it entails to live in Korea and experience everyday life. It is important to note that this preference for authenticity is not unique to the French audience but rather represents a broader tendency in the assessment of influencer content, where less polished and more authentic content is highly valued. The systematic nature of France-bashing kukppong creates expectations that inevitably clash with lived experiences, generating a counter-narrative that reveals the constructed nature of comparative nationalism. This tension manifests in two distinct but related phenomena: sensationalized attempts to show Korea’s “authentic” difficulties, and explicit “deception videos” that directly challenge the idealized representations.

This study reveals how France-bashing kukppong operates as a form of comparative nationalism that emerges from individual content creation practices yet contributes to broader patterns of nation branding and soft power projection. The analysis demonstrates that French influencers in Korea systematically construct Korea’s superiority through strategic criticism of French social systems, infrastructure, and cultural practices, creating a consistent narrative framework that positions Korea as a solution to specifically French problems.

The central mechanism driving this phenomenon concerns how comparative nationalism functions through performed authenticity. French influencers derive authority to make cultural comparisons through specific authenticity markers— extended residence, cultural integration, and insider access claims—while balancing genuine experience sharing with algorithmic engagement needs. This tension reveals how seemingly authentic cultural commentary constitutes strategic self-branding that serves both individual and national interests, supporting Banet-Weiser’s (2012) analysis of authenticity as a commodified branding strategy. The systematic nature of France-bashing kukppong across three primary domains—safety, convenience, and infrastructure—demonstrates how individual lifestyle choices become vehicles for inadvertent nation branding. Unlike direct cultural promotion in government-sponsored campaigns (Lee & Abidin, 2022), French influencers contribute to Korean soft power through systematic criticism of their home country rather than explicit praise of Korea. This indirect approach proves particularly effective because it appears to emerge from authentic personal experience rather than coordinated promotional efforts.

The popularity of comparative content—evidenced by both idealized portrayals and critical “deception videos”—reveals that social media’s engagement-driven structure favors comparative frameworks regardless of evaluative direction. Both positive and negative representations enable vicarious cultural engagement while positioning Korea and France as cultural alternatives rather than complex societies with internal diversity. This suggests that the appeal of comparative content stems from its ability to provide clear cultural alternatives for digital consumption, allowing audiences to experience mediated solutions to perceived French social problems without undertaking actual migration.