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Climate change is an urgent global crisis with far-reaching environmental, social, and economic consequences. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has consistently warned that rising global temperatures, increasing frequency and intensity of extreme weather events, and disruptions to ecological systems pose unprecedented risks to human societies and natural environments (Masson-Delmotte et al., 2021). The effects of climate change are not distributed evenly, with certain regions disproportionately affected. Small island developing states (SIDS) face existential threats from climate-induced changes, including rising sea levels, ocean acidification, and extreme weather patterns. While the causes of climate change are primarily driven by industrialized nations, the consequences are most acutely felt by vulnerable communities with limited resources for adaptation and mitigation (Nurse et al., 2014). The Pacific region, which is home to some of the world’s most climate-sensitive nations, has become a focal point in global climate justice debates due to the inequities in responsibility and impact.

PSIDS, comprising nations such as Tuvalu, Kiribati, the Marshall Islands, and the Solomon Islands, are particularly susceptible to climate change due to their geographical and socioeconomic characteristics (Barnett & Waters, 2016). Many of these islands are atolls with elevations of only a few meters above sea level, making them highly vulnerable to coastal erosion, storm surges, and saltwater intrusion into freshwater supplies. As sea levels rise are projected to increase by up to one meter by 2100, these nations face the prospect of land loss, displacement, and potential statelessness (Oppenheimer et al., 2019). The livelihoods of many PSIDS communities depend on climate-sensitive sectors such as agriculture, fisheries, and tourism, all of which are being disrupted by shifting weather patterns and deteriorating marine ecosystems.

Climate-related disasters, such as cyclones and prolonged droughts, frequently damage critical infrastructure, reduce agricultural productivity, and disrupt local markets, making economic recovery an ongoing challenge (Pelling & Uitto, 2001). Tourism, a major economic sector for many Pacific islands, is particularly at risk as extreme weather events and environmental degradation deter visitors and erode natural attractions (Becken, 2005). These structural economic vulnerabilities highlight the disproportionate burden that climate change places on small island economies. Despite their vulnerabilities, PSIDS have demonstrated resilience through both traditional knowledge systems and international climate diplomacy. Pacific Islanders have historically adapted to environmental challenges through mobility, resource-sharing, and sustainable land-use practices, highlighting the importance of indigenous knowledge in climate adaptation strategies (Campbell, 2009).

However, contemporary climate challenges require external support in the form of climate finance, capacity-building, and technological transfer. International mechanisms such as the Green Climate Fund and the Loss and Damage agenda under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) have sought to address these needs, yet financial disbursements remain slow and insufficient compared to the scale of the crisis (Roberts & Pelling, 2018). Pacific leaders have played a crucial role in global climate negotiations, advocating for stronger mitigation commitments and the recognition of climate-induced displacement as a critical issue (Barnett & Campbell, 2010). Nevertheless, without immediate and sustained action to reduce global emissions, adaptation alone will not be sufficient to safeguard the future of PSIDS. The case of PSIDS illustrates the profound injustice of climate change, wherein nations that contribute the least to greenhouse gas emissions bear the greatest burden of its consequences.

The challenges faced by Pacific Small Island Developing States (PSIDS) in the face of climate change are perhaps most acutely exemplified by Tuvalu. As a low-lying island state, Tuvalu is among the most vulnerable countries to rising sea levels, coastal erosion, and extreme weather events. Scientific projections indicate that if global sea levels continue to rise at their current rate, Tuvalu could face severe land loss, freshwater contamination, and eventual displacement of its population (Aung et al., 2009). While the international media often portrays Tuvalu as a nation on the brink of disappearance, the reality is more complex, shaped by a combination of environmental, political, and socio-economic factors (Connell, 2003).

Tuvalu has gained international attention as the quintessential example of climate vulnerability due to its geographic characteristics and political activism in climate diplomacy. As an atoll nation with an average elevation of just 1–2 meters above sea level, Tuvalu’s very existence is threatened by rising tides and increased flooding (Connell, 2003). Unlike larger island nations that have mountainous terrain or inland areas to retreat to, Tuvalu’s small, low-lying atolls leave no room for internal displacement (Yamano et al., 2007). The increasing frequency of king tides, which cause saltwater intrusion into freshwater supplies and agricultural land, has further reinforced the perception of Tuvalu as a climate crisis hotspot (Farbotko, 2005).

Beyond its physical vulnerability, Tuvalu has also played a prominent role in climate change advocacy. Since the early 2000s, Tuvalu has positioned itself as a leading voice in international climate negotiations, particularly within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The country’s leaders have consistently pushed for stronger global commitments to emissions reductions, highlighting Tuvalu as a frontline victim of climate inaction (Farbotko, 2005). Tuvalu was among the first nations to call for limiting global temperature rise to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels, a target that was later enshrined in the Paris Agreement following pressure from the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) (Locke, 2009). This diplomatic engagement has amplified Tuvalu’s visibility, making it a symbolic representation of the existential risks faced by small island nations.

Tuvalu consists of nine low-lying atolls and reef islands spread over approximately 26 square kilometers, making it one of the smallest sovereign states in the world. Despite its limited land area, Tuvalu's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) covers nearly 900,000 square kilometers of ocean, underscoring its reliance on marine resources (Paton, 2009). The small size of its economy, combined with geographic isolation and limited natural resources, makes it highly vulnerable to external shocks, including those caused by climate change. One of the most pressing concerns for Tuvalu is the impact of sea-level rise.

Historical reconstructions of Tuvalu’s topography indicate that the country’s landmass is naturally dynamic, with periodic flooding becoming more severe due to anthropogenic climate change. Recent measurements suggest that Tuvalu’s sea level has been rising at approximately 5.9 mm per year, a rate significantly higher than the global average of 1–2 mm per year (Aung et al., 2009). The increasing frequency of king tides and storm surges has exacerbated coastal erosion and saltwater intrusion, leading to loss of arable land and freshwater sources, which in turn impacts food security and public health (Yamano et al., 2007).

Climate change also threatens Tuvalu’s sovereignty and national identity. As rising seas encroach on the islands, there are growing concerns about the displacement of entire communities and the potential loss of Tuvalu as a nation-state. In response, Tuvalu’s government has engaged in diplomatic efforts to secure international recognition of its sovereignty, regardless of physical land loss (Stratford, 2013). Migration has been a widely discussed adaptation strategy for Tuvaluans, yet the reality is more nuanced. While international narratives frequently describe Tuvaluans as “climate refugees,” migration is often driven by economic and social factors rather than immediate climate threats (Mortreux & Barnett, 2009; Shen & Gemenne, 2011). Many Tuvaluans prefer to remain on their islands, despite climate-related risks, due to strong cultural attachments and limited resettlement options. However, mass relocation remains a politically and socially contentious issue, as it raises questions about national identity and the rights of displaced populations.

International responses to Tuvalu’s plight have been mixed. While Tuvalu has been active in global climate negotiations, advocating for stronger emissions reductions and adaptation funding, tangible support remains limited, forcing Tuvalu to rely on external aid and local resilience measures (Farbotko, 2005; Locke, 2009). However, as sea levels continue to rise, the long-term viability of Tuvalu remains uncertain. As climate change accelerates, the case of Tuvalu will certainly serve as a crucial test for global climate governance, equity in adaptation funding, and the resilience of island communities.

To build upon this background, the purpose of this study is to systematically examine the scholarly landscape concerning climate change and Tuvalu, with particular attention to how the country is represented, framed, and discussed in academic literature. A systematic literature review (SLR) is particularly suited for this task, as it allows for comprehensive mapping of research trends, themes, and methodological approaches across a wide range of studies over time (Siddaway et al., 2019). Unlike meta-analyses, which quantitatively synthesize effect sizes from empirical studies, this review adopts a qualitative synthesis approach aimed at identifying discursive patterns, thematic clusters, and conceptual gaps in the literature. In doing so, the review offers both a descriptive and analytical account of how Tuvalu’s climate crisis has been studied and represented, situating the findings within broader discussions of Pacific climate politics and communication. The following research questions guide this review:

• RQ 1. What are the temporal, spatial, and methodological characteristics of the studies on climate change and Tuvalu?
• RQ 2. What are the discursive trends in the literature on climate change and Tuvalu?

The units of analysis included in the review are scientific journal articles focusing on Tuvalu, climate change, and its impact. Literature published in the English language until 2024 was included in the selection so the development of the research on climate change in Tuvalu could be examined. Exclusion criteria encompassed non-peer reviewed papers, gray literature and studies that were not published in English. In addition, studies on climate change and Tuvalu that pertain to other sectors, such as legislation or nutrition, were also excluded.

Searches for relevant articles were conducted on Scopus (n = 170) and Web of Science (n = 338). These databases are repositories of multi-disciplinary peer-reviewed resources, hence credible and reliable (Muthuri et al., 2020; Schäfer & Schlichting, 2014). Moreover, their search tools enabled a systematic identification of articles based on the eligibility criteria.

The search operation terms used were “Tuvalu” AND “climate change” OR “climate refuges” OR “climate migration” in the title, abstract, and keywords filter. The search was limited to publications in the English until 2024, as per the eligibility criteria. The corresponding filters were added respectively on Scopus and Web of Science.

Zotero, a reference management software, was then used to export the BibTex citations of all the search returns and to remove duplicates (n = 88). The remaining literature (n = 420) was screened individually, and irrelevant publications (n = 230) were withdrawn. Irrelevant publications include articles that do not focus on Tuvalu AND climate change despite mentioning it in the title, abstract, or keywords. The results of the systematic selection process are illustrated in a flow diagram adapted from Page et al. (2021) (see Fig. 1). Metadata of the publications included in the final sample (N = 42) were extracted using a code sheet by Schäfer & Schlichting (2014) and adapting it to the current systematic review.

Figure 1.  Flow Diagram for Data Collection

Extracted information were as follows: title of the study, author(s), affiliation(s), year of publication, name of the publication, goals, methodology, and keywords.

Research on climate change and Tuvalu has evolved significantly over the past three decades, reflecting shifts in global climate discourse and deepening interdisciplinary engagement. From early environmental assessments to contemporary analyses of sovereignty and resilience, this literature maps not only Tuvalu’s physical risks but also its complex socio-political landscape.

Initial studies from the late 1980s to early 2000s focused on Tuvalu’s biophysical vulnerability to sea-level rise, coastal erosion, and saltwater intrusion. Foundational works like Lewis (1989) and Mimura (1999) drew attention to Tuvalu’s unique geographic exposure as a low-lying atoll nation, forming the basis for early adaptation frameworks. Yamano et al. (2007) introduced GIS-based analyses to quantify coastal changes and highlight land loss trajectories. These studies often treated Tuvalu as a passive victim of climate change, setting the tone for early alarmist narratives. Recent advancements in hazard modeling, such as Wandres et al. (2024), confirm that over 25% of Tuvalu’s landmass is at risk of coastal inundation, reinforcing the need for updated national-scale risk assessments.

This period also emphasized climate-induced hazard risks, infrastructure fragility, and economic disruption, especially in agriculture and water access. As sea-level rise and storm surges became recurring concerns, vulnerability remained a persistent theme, even as later studies sought to challenge its one-dimensional portrayal.

From the mid-2000s onward, literature began engaging more deeply with mobility and displacement, framing Tuvalu as a potential source of “climate refugees.” Farbotko and Lazrus (2012) notably critiqued the deterministic language of forced migration, arguing that the label of “climate refugee” obscures Tuvaluan agency, identity, and attachment to land. Connell (1999) and Mortreux and Barnett (2009) similarly highlighted how migration decisions are complex, shaped by cultural values and economic factors rather than solely environmental pressures. Kitara et al. (2024) built on these narratives by introducing the fale pili concept to reframe mobility justice through Indigenous values, while Barnett et al. (2024) discussed the Falepili Union as a form of climate-informed regional cooperation.

Recent studies such as Islam et al. (2023) and Farbotko (2023b) explore compound crises, like the overlap between climate change and COVID-19, to understand both migration and immobility. These works point to new migration typologies, such as circular migration, planned relocation, and migration-as-adaptation, challenging simplistic narratives of exodus.

Several studies address recurring discourses that shape international perceptions of Tuvalu. Tourism has emerged as both a risk and a potential adaptation strategy. Prideaux and McNamara (2013) and Islam et al. (2023) explored how Tuvalu’s climate vulnerability is marketed as a “last chance tourism” destination, while others like Farbotko (2010a) critique this as voyeuristic and commodifying.

Global media representations frequently cast Tuvalu as a “disappearing paradise,” which may raise awareness but also strip the community of agency. Farbotko (2005, 2010b), Saddington (2024), and Fisher (2011) critique this spectacle narrative, emphasizing the need for more grounded portrayals of Tuvaluan perspectives and experiences.

A newer body of literature also examines Tuvalu’s strategic use of digital infrastructure and representation in the face of existential threats. Hegde (2024) discusses sociotechnical transitions in Tuvalu’s approach to digital sovereignty and climate diplomacy, while Rothe et al. (2024) explore the implications of “Digital Tuvalu” as a post-territorial state.

Across these themes, the literature reflects a gradual shift from viewing Tuvalu as a passive site of climate tragedy to recognizing it as a strategic, culturally resilient, and diplomatically active nation. Environmental vulnerability remains a foundational concern, but it is now entwined with nuanced explorations of mobility, governance, identity, and representation. These discursive trends suggest that the case of Tuvalu is not only central to Pacific climate studies but should be emblematic of global debates around climate justice, sovereignty, and resilience.